Showing posts with label Erotic. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Erotic. Show all posts

Friday, January 20, 2012

The Cinnamon Peeler

The Cinnamon Peeler is a favorite among Michael Ondaatje's Sri Lankan poems.

The Cinnamon Peeler


If I were a cinnamon peeler
I would ride your bed
and leave the yellow bark dust
on your pillow.

Your breasts and shoulders would reek
you could never walk through markets
without the profession of my fingers
floating over you. The blind would
stumble certain of whom they approached
though you might bathe
under rain gutters, monsoon.

Here on the upper thigh
at this smooth pasture
neighbor to your hair
or the crease
that cuts your back. This ankle.
You will be known among strangers
as the cinnamon peeler's wife.

I could hardly glance at you
before marriage
never touch you
-- your keen nosed mother, your rough brothers.
I buried my hands
in saffron, disguised them
over smoking tar,
helped the honey gatherers...
*
When we swam once
I touched you in water
and our bodies remained free,
you could hold me and be blind of smell.
You climbed the bank and said
this is how you touch other women
the grasscutter's wife, the lime burner's daughter.
And you searched your arms
for the missing perfume.
and knew 

what good is it
to be the lime burner's daughter
left with no trace
as if not spoken to in an act of love
as if wounded without the pleasure of scar.

You touched
your belly to my hands
in the dry air and said
I am the cinnamon
peeler's wife. Smell me.


Women like you: The Sigiriya rock paintings

"Ladies like you / Make men pour out their hearts. / You also have thrilled the body / Making its hair / Stiffen with desire.”

Sigiriya. Lion Rock. – There it sits in a corner of my memory, surprising, monumental, monstrous, enigmatic, its curvy garlanded women, those excited voices inscribed on stone, its lion’s claws and gaping lion’s mouth – all calling for my attention.

So here I return, now several months and a half a world away, to that rock and those women ….

Imagine a 150-metre high rock – a 50-storey building – rising suddenly and solitary from a vast green plain. The rock’s westerly face is covered in 500 frescoes of bare-breasted women, each festooned in flowers and jewels. On a nearby polished “mirror wall,” visitors are writing couplets and quatrains, graffiti-style, describing their responses on seeing the women. The remains of a palace rest on the summit, once accessible by walking from a terrace halfway up the rock through mammoth, stone-cut lion’s paws, then through the lion’s gaping mouth. Formal gardens, pools and fountains stretch from the rock’s base. In the far distance, earthen ramparts and a moat surround the whole complex.

Sigiriya – in north-central Sri Lanka, the buildings and gardens from the 5th century, the paintings from the same era or at least a century later, the graffiti added later still – is easily enough described in broad outline. But step beyond its most obvious characteristics and you enter a fog thicker than that swirling around Adam’s Peak in the mountains to the south.

Are these the ruins of a palace or a fortress – or both? Was the complex once a monastery or a king’s fortress refuge – or both? Was the king a patricidal megalomaniac or a pleasure-loving aesthete – or both?

And the women in the paintings (about 20 remain)?  They rise from painted clouds, full-breasted, shoulders soft and sloping, bodies splendidly adorned in flowery and bejewelled tiaras, coronets, bracelets and necklaces, their long delicate fingers holding lotus flowers and other blossoms, the line from coronet to hips suggesting that sensual S-curve of the female body found in sculpture, paintings and dance across south and east Asia.

Are these women a king’s courtesans? The work of court painters ordered to decorate the rock with beautiful maidens? Buddhist goddesses? Representations of the goddess Tara, or of Cloud and Lightning goddesses, or more lowly apsaras?

There are hardly two people who agree on any of this. Nor has the thin historical record helped, based as it is on chronicles, legends, hearsay and limited archaeological research, all of which has fed an array of speculative and conflicting claims.

On our visit, we arrived by foot amongst rows of parked vans and buses and hundreds of other visitors. The site attracts tens of thousands of visitors each year, mainly for the spectacular summit vistas and to see the women.

Our route takes us across the moat and ramparts, through the “pleasure gardens” with their formal patterns, fountains, and water hydraulic system (ingenious for the 5thC we read); along winding pathways at the foot of the rock, among boulder-strewn gardens, terraces, cisterns and pools, stone archways and a five-metre-long granite throne, all constructed from fallen boulders; then further up a modern iron staircase to the painting gallery and graffiti mirror wall; then higher still to the mid-level terrace, past the enormous sharp claws on the lion’s paws, past the ruins of the lion’s mouth, up and further up another iron staircase (the original steps were small carved hollows in the sheer wall) until we are at the ellipsis-shaped summit among the foundation ruins of tiered palaces and deep pools. Far beneath us spreads a dark green plain and glistening, meandering rivers, serpentine, serpents.

(A photograph of Sigiriya taken from the far west and at an elevation somewhat higher than the summit gives the rock and its westerly-flowing gardens the uncanny appearance of a colossal throne. Although the view seems one that would have been difficult for the builders of the 5thC palace-fortress to have experienced, other pre-modern peoples have imagined geographical shapes and relationships with surprising accuracy from an aerial perspective.)

It is here on the summit where we have our picnic lunch – or attempt to, if it weren’t for the monkeys that inch ever closer, lunges in their eyes, chattering every-monkey-for-itself chatter. It is only some barking hound from who knows where, 50 storeys up, who keeps them at a slight distance. A smart hound, this, for it is she who gets to gobble up our thank-you scraps and, inexplicably, is already waiting for us a thousand steps below at the lion’s claws.

But what about the star attractions of Sigiriya: the women in the frescoes?

Some people think that around the 10thC Sigiriya’s western face was covered in 500 similar images. Today only some 20 remain. The close-up view of the paintings used here would have been that of the painters, but it might not have been that of 10thC viewers. Some scholars argue that most people would have viewed the women from some distance, seeing them as representational figures in standard poses. This too is disputed.

The women’s upper bodies – they appear to emerge from cloud images at their hips and waists – are  naked except for their elaborate and colourful necklaces, bracelets, head ornaments and the flowers they hold. Each women is represented by certain common features (the S-curve of the body, the head’s downward tilt, the overall facial expression, the decorative/symbolic elements), and yet several also have subtly unique facial and bodily characteristics.

Most attractive for me are the women’s soft-sloping shoulders, the forward thrust of their pelvis and hips, the naturalistic folds of skin along the belly, the forward tilt of their necks and heads, their long arms and fingers, and the exquisitely gentle, loving, even sensual way those hands – long palms, curved fingers – hold lotus blossoms and other flowers. Looking at those fingers touching – caressing? – the blossoms, I feel such pleasurable tenderness. Surely we’re seeing here a centre of the painter’s personal felt-interest and energy.

The line of the women’s arms, wrists, palms and fingers suggest the sensual S-curves formed by the line through each woman’s tiara, head, neck, chest, waist and hips. This same bodily S-curve or tribhanga pose, emphasizing hips and breasts, is found in ancient representations of women across Hindu and often Buddhist -influenced Asia.

Curiously, most of the women’s breasts seem attached to (not a natural element of) their bodies. It is as the painters had sculptural models in mind, not live models, or in depicting life-giving goddesses, they were treating breasts as a symbol of fertility and sustenance. The breasts are also exaggerated relative to the overall body size, and they exaggerate in turn the slightness of the women’s waists with their natural rolls of flesh. A partial exception is a woman painted in profile whose breasts have natural weight and downward pull. We won’t know if there were other women like this, more naturalistic, among the five-hundred.

The women’s eyes are sometimes bright and outward-looking, but more often slightly downward cast, languid, and always noticeably long. Their lips are often curved into indecipherable – content, waiting, patient, whimsical, comforting? – smiles. One modern-day viewer describes the ‘look’ as both open and introvert at the same time, and I can see why. There’s something of I-am-ready-to-be-whatever-you-expect in that look.

I was told by a guide at the gallery that each figure represented a woman from Sri Lanka and other parts of the world: Africa, the far east, Persia. Although it is not a claim I have found anywhere else, it is true that at least one woman has distinctly African facial features.

(Having said all this, I read that centuries of wear on the paint and elements of the painters’ techniques can result in distortions in visual detail and thus in modern-day responses, especially regarding the women’s faces.)

Why were these paintings done in the first place? And what really existed at Sigiriya in ancient times? Contending theories, most of them strongly speculative, abound.

One approach sees the 5thC palace-fortress complex as the brainchild of King Kassapa and his court. According to the Mahavamsa chronicle, written years after the events it describes and sketchy at best, Kassapa entombed his father-king alive then, fearing retribution by his brother, fled to Sigiriya where he build a fortress-palace. (Kassapa’s brother eventually killed him, or he killed himself, depending on how you read the page leaves.)

Kassapa himself has been given many identities. In one version he is not a patricide at all, but rather a misunderstood or misremembered aesthete, the pleasure palace, gardens and paintings his secular “homage to beauty.” In another he is a devout leader, a patron of the local monastery, who had the paintings done for religious purposes (or: to glorify his own image). Or he built the complex to honour his father. Or he is a king-murdering, narcissistic, paranoid megalomaniac (remember the lion’s claws and mouth?) who led repeated wars against his neighbours and indulged in profligate ‘beautification’ projects.

Quite another approach is to see Sigiriya as a Buddhist monastery. Indeed its rock shelters and caves functioned like this before Kassapa’s time and the site became a monastery again a century (or five centuries) later. In this view, the paintings are done after Kassapa’s tenancy, the women represent various religious figures and the rock becomes a place of pilgrimage.

So who are these women? Courtesans of the royal court and bed chambers? Queens and princesses on their way to worship Buddhist gods? Beautiful, decorative objects, like the gardens and fountains? Heavenly beings (those clouds) of various kinds: your standard apsaras waiting on the gods; Lighting and Cloud goddesses, created to glorify Kassapa; the Mahayana Buddhist goddess Tara, a favoured goddess found across south and east Asia, a splendidly-adorned female Buddha associated with compassion, enlightenment, power and prosperity? 

Welcome to the fog of understanding hanging over Sigiriya.

For most of us, though, maybe it needn’t matter what the women are supposed to represent; maybe what matters is how we experience them in themselves. This is the approach taken by the graffiti writers – some 1,500 of them: kings and queens, monks, a guard, a smithy and other travellers – who began visiting the paintings a century and more after they were completed. Their comments are of great interest to those studying the Sinhalese language and script, but they also give us a good sense of what people of the time understood these paintings to be about in terms of their own experience.

On one essential point – and in stark contrast to a major line of modern-day theorizing on the paintings – many of the graffitists agree. Whereas the visitors appear to have arrived with an understanding that the goddess-women are supposed to elevate them into a ‘heavenly’ state of physical disinterestedness, detachment, contemplation and piety, unencumbered by physical desire, their own experience of the women has the exact opposite effect.

As one person writes: “Ladies like you / Make men pour out their hearts / And you also have thrilled the body / Making its hair / Stiffen with desire.”

And a second: “By means of the splendour of the mountain side, I saw their manner in which nymphs stood in heaven. My hand jumped up with the desire of grasping their girdle in dalliance.”

Or: “The girl with golden skin entices the mind and eyes. / Her lovely breasts cause me to recall swans drunk with nectar.”

 And: “Who is not happy when he sees / Those rosy palms, rounded shoulders / Gold necklaces, copper-hued lips / And long long eyes.”

A woman, too, sees attractive rivals in the paintings: “A deer-eyed young woman of the mountainside arouses anger in my mind. In her hand she holds a string of pearls and in her looks she assumes rivalry with me.”

The heavens don’t stand a chance, as at least one visitor makes clear,: “The ladies who wear golden chains on their breasts beckon me. As I have seen the resplendent ladies, heaven appears to me as not so good.”

The women as objects of contemplation, detachment, piety – as some scholars argue? Hardly. These are embodied, sexual responses, the responses of longing, attraction and expectant fantasy. Whatever the painters’ patrons thought they were asking to be depicted on Sigiriya’s walls, what they got “thrilled the body” and made heaven “not so good.”

Today, writing on Sigiriya’s walls is forbidden, which is too bad because surely visitors still have things they’d like to say, and some arrangement could be made for the old wall’s protection.

But there it is: keep your experiences to yourself.

No everyone is so compliant though. Here is Canadian writer Michael Ondaatje’s Sigiriya poem “Women Like You.” 

Women Like You
(the communal poem – Sigiri graffiti, 5th century)
They do not stir
these ladies of the mountain
do not give us
the twitch of eyelids.

            The king is dead.

They answer no one
take the hard
rock as lover
Women like you
make men pour out their hearts

            ‘Seeing you I want
            no other life’

            ‘The golden skins have
            caught my mind’

who came here
out of the bleached land
climbed this fortress
to adore this rock
and with the solitude of the air
behind them
            carved an alphabet
whose motive was perfect desire

wanting these portraits of women
to speak
to caress.

Hundreds of small verses
by different hands
became one
habit of the unrequited.

Seeing you
I want no other life
and turn around
to the sky
and everywhere below
jungle, waves of heat
secular love
Holding the new flowers
a circle of
first finger and thumb
which is a window
to your breast
pleasure of the skin
earring     earring
curl
of the belly
         and then
stone mermaid
stone heart
dry as a flower
on rock
you long eyed women
the golden
drunk swan of breasts
lips
the long long eyes
we stand against the sky
I bring you
a flute
from the throat
of a loon
so talk to me
of a used heart

Wednesday, November 16, 2011

Crystal mountains, dragons, sexual bodies, harvest time: into the Kinnaur region


We have begun a five day excursion (with driver and car) into the valleys and high mountains east and north of Shimla: the Himalayan Kinnaur region whose eastern edge runs along the Tibet-India border. We hope to visit mountain villages, the unique Hindu-Buddhist-local/folk temples of the region, and walk in the quiet clean air above the tree line.

Our route was once a main corridor for China-Tibetan-Punjabi trade caravans, a passage we will eventually follow up the Sutlej River valley, then higher up the River Baspa (now the site of a many kilometer-long hydro project), then higher still to villages set along the Rupin River in a valley filled with tiered apple orchards and surrounded by soaring sharp-edged, crystalline peaks, the highest of which cradle glaciers or are freshly snow-covered.  

We climb from Shimla into deodar forests (‘wood of the gods,’ cedar, although to our eye pine-looking), driving white-knuckled along narrow rocky tracks that are cut, and still being cut, from sheer cliff sides, then descend into valleys filled with apple orchards and fields of cauliflower, tomatoes, carrots, dry rice and cabbage, then rise again through craggy narrow canyons until the mighty Sutlej River looks like a mere stream. 

At midday we reach Hatu Peak (3100 metres) and the new Kali Durga temple where craftsmen are bringing to life in wood its gods, goddesses and guardian spirits. By nightfall we enter the village of Sarahan and its Bhimakali temple complex, its many saddle-shaped roof-lines like ocean waves, its sun and moon finials glinting golden from atop the roofs of paired temples towers that rise out of the waves. In the half-light, people are beginning to gather for evening prayers at the Kali shrine high in one tower.

Bhimakali, the local manifestation of the black-faced, blood-thirsty Hindu goddess Kali (Durga) is a powerful goddess indeed, powerful in harm, powerful to vanquish harm – a widely popular and risky goddess. The Sarahan form of Kali has for years been associated with human sacrifice (until the British intervened), including the sacrifice of a human every decade: human blood poured over Kali’s tongue, after which the body was dumped into a deep well inside the temple compound. Today Kali is still appeased with blood, but by putting to the knife a menagerie of birds, buffalo, sheep, goats, chickens and crabs. We read that the spectacle draws large crowds.

This evening we (uncomprehending outsiders) join 30 or so devotees seated in a small crowded space around Kali’s shrine, waiting, chatting; Bhimakali screened from view. Suddenly a sound pandemonium erupts in our midst … a man clangs a large brass bell, another hits a brass disk with a metal stick, another crashes brass cymbals again and again, a fourth blows resonant tones from a conch, and two more blast single notes on long s-curved and finely inscribed brass horns. It feels like an appeal, a beckoning forth. We’re here! We’re here Bhimakali! We’re ready to celebrate! We want to celebrate! We want your presence! Rising anticipation, the eyes of the man standing next to me widen, several seated women stare transfixed at the hidden effigy, a child is hushed, another calls for his father.

Bhimakali herself has been hiding behind a red and gold veil through which flickers, tantalizingly, mysteriously, the flames of candles being arranged by a busy priest, spirits alive and rippling, glimmering along the veil’s folds, like the finest magic show. Then that burst of music, at the height of which the curtain is drawn and people bow and pray, set forth offerings – coconut, cloth, money – until, moments later, the veil is drawn back. So quickly it is all over! The devotees quickly rise and make their exit, chatting excitedly down the stairwell, sounding satisfied. Bhimakali? Who knows. Tucked in for the night? Or marauding through the dark?

In the morning, far below our guesthouse window, uniformed school children are lined up in the school yard in military parade fashion, repeating some verses and singing in unison. They look towards the high concrete wall of their school, faded and stained into colourlessness, but with cautionary texts written in large block letters across its face. DISCIPLINE AND ORDERLINESS BE THE WAY OF LIFE. BETTER BE UN-BORN THAN UN-TAUGHT.  BETTER BE UN-TAUGHT THAN ILL-TAUGHT. Later in the day we pass a sign on which “Sangla Valley Convent Schoool” wishes everyone a happy Independence Day, and publicizes itself thus:  “We are academically rogreous.”

The road rises from 1900 to 2700 metres to the village of Kamru. We climb to the village’s “Hindu” temple where Buddhist prayer flags flutter and the majority Hindus maintain Buddhist funerary rites – although, I read, beliefs rooted in local spirits likely have more sway here than either Hinduism or Buddhism. We climb higher still to an several-tiered pagoda-style wood tower-fort, weathered, ancient and with more recently carved wooden doors, portals, walls and lintels covered in spirit and guardian figures along with wonderfully attractive, men and woman in naturalistic and folk styles, their sexual bodies fully apparent, humans in harmonious relation with floral and fauna.

I would like to learn more about the people and their lives in this place: the apparent visual ease with the sexual body in this “Hindu” temple, the suggestion of harmony between the human and the natural environment, these new-appearing and apparently sex-affirmative carvings amidst the weathered guardians.

(W. E. Buchanan, travelling this area in 1920, tracing the steps of a British military expedition 100 years before, writes this:

On the 4th September the Sangla fair was held, the deota being brought from the temple on the opposite side of the river to the little green just below the rest-house. The god was decorated with flowers, and, suspended on flexible poles, swayed up and down, while men and women in single file performed a slow movement round him to the accompaniment of drums, cymbals and trumpets.

First about twenty or thirty women in skirts and shawls, with their pigtails under their little circular hats, danced round the deota ; they were followed by about the same number of men in holiday attire, woollen coat and narrow trousers with red cummerbund, each carrying in a chudder on his back a load of blue delphiniums ; lastly came some thirty men and boys carrying poles, each with a bunch of ten or twelve ” lettuce ” flowers tied to it. And every man, woman and child wore the blue delphinium in hat or hair, and continued to wear it for days, until finally it dropped off.

The fair and dance lasted till about six o’clock in the evening, when the god was taken back to his temple across the river, and the villagers dispersed.

We continue our own climb the Baspa Valley along the narrowest of cliffside roads, mostly rubble or dirt, now high over the river. There is barely a safe width for one vehicle; two must back up, shuffle about, inch along, daring the cliff edge to give away into the river, 1000 or so metres underneath us. By night we reach Rakcham village (3000 metres).  Sleet hits the windshield. Our room has loose fitting doors and windows and no heating, Betty writes her journal in fleecy jacket, toque and gloves. 

We wake to a rock-strewn landscape, glacier-dredged. The village sits between scree-covered mountain slopes, signs of tremendous monsoon generated rock slides. Nearby, the glacial Baspa River basin seems to flow with stones and boulders of every size. Many village houses still have the old timber-bonded style, white-washed dry stone and rubble masonry alternating with horizontal deodar or spruce beam to withstand earthquakes, all crowned with steep-sloped slate roofs. Other more recent houses look like state-issue: cement bricks and corrugated metal roofs.

The valley slopes are covered in apple orchards, each setting within a stone-walled patchwork of smaller fields and tiers of land that must have been so laboriously cleared of their rocky surface over many generations. We are told that the apple harvest rolls up the valley, with orchards at higher elevations being picked ever later in the fall. Where we are tonight the apples are still on the trees. Lower down they are already in Delhi, the boxes carried by humans, mules and horses up steep tracks to the nearest roadside, then loaded onto large Delhi-bound transports – which likely explains the bruised apples we bought in the big city. (Surprisingly, and apparently because of strictly enforced controls on the picking, boxing and shipment of apples, we can only buy individual “seconds” in these villages. No will sell or even give us any of those fresh delicious-looking apples off the trees!)

In the morning we rise further up the Baspa River valley to its last village, Chitkul at 3500 metres, set along the tree line. From here we walk along cattle and goat paths higher up the valley, only stopping when men in uniform appear at the last India border security post before the Tibet border.

Surprisingly, amidst this stone-strewn landscape, we are surrounding by a world of many colours: the scarlet and cranberry of wild sweet briar, the gold and orange of the willows, birches and hazels, an amber-coloured pasture seeming to flow in a slow s-curve between two mountains, the dark bronze of drying ogla or buckwheat stocks which would flowered pink a few months ago, the forest greens deep below us, the churning glacial blue of the Baspa even further down. 

People here are busy gathering the harvest and preparing for winter which could set in any day now. At sunrise men walk towards the lower forests carrying six foot crosscut saws, cutting lengths of heavy firewood logs. High piles of these already begin to line village laneways.

Over the day, women and men in wool jackets, shawls and sweaters, bring home bundles of cut cattle feed and lighter fire wood on their backs, often at great distances and up and down steep tracks. The bundles often dwarf their human frames and make them stoop. A man our age leans his bundle against a stone wall, tucks his hands in his armpits and looks up towards the snowy mountain tops. (What are his thoughts as he looks towards those mountains? I so much wanted to ask him what it is like to live here, what it means to live here, to have this as home, the world.) Most people – many our age – walk at a steady pace that more than matches our own – and we carry very little.

In the woods, more feed has been yoked high in tree branches for winter retrieval above the expected snowfall. Rooftops and the broad stone fences are covered with drying sliced apple, cobs of corn, beans, red barley, wheat and nuts. We are told that villagers will make an apple-apricot brew for the cold winter. A woman grinds barley and wheat on a local, stream-driven grinding wheel. Another sorts dried walnuts for storage. Another is carding black wool, another knits winter wear. A tailor cuts material for wool jackets. Heavy blankets and sheep skins air along wood pole fences.

Cows, buffalo, goats and sheep are being moved closer to the village to be housed beneath the family’s living quarters and in small out-buildings. The air becomes sharply chilled as soon as the sun sinks behind the mountain ridges, now dusted in snow. Smoke curls from the roofs of several village houses. By sunset everyone is wrapped in shawls, wool vests, and thickening layers of pants, blouses and jackets. A few squat around small fires.

Betty tells the manager of our guesthouse that unlike other villages where smiles seem to come easy, people in these parts seem intent on their occupations, seem more worn, tired. He agrees: “They do have a hard life. Yes, people right now are working very hard.” Do they ever have fun together, we ask? What do they do during the winter? “There is time for enjoyment,” he says, “we have celebrations in September and again during the winter. People eat well then, they drink apricot-apple brew, rest, sleep. They know how to enjoy.”

Although the sunny brisk days here are perfect for hiking, we don’t look forward to the cold nights, perhaps zero to five or so degrees. Here we sit, wrapping our hands around steaming glasses of chai, Tom tucking a cold dinner plate under his jacket in the hopeless hope that it might warm just a little before food arrives. We are even thankful for the uncomfortably heavy duvets – and begin to dream of hot Kerala beaches.

We are finding that in this region, Hindu, Buddhist and local traditions of belief commingle into meaningful wholes from village to village, valley to valley. (This, despite the Hindu nationalists’ assertions that such things don’t happen and have never happened.) Carved dragons curl up the corners of temples, their heads peering towards the mountains. Temple doors contain lovely carvings of horn and drum players, women with birds and flowers, tigers, lions, spirit beasts, men, women and loving couples in their natural sexuality, venerated elders, gods and goddesses, brocades of flowers, curling tendrils of vines. Fringes of wooden skittles waver along the temple’s roof eaves, creating a soft muffled clatter, like many voices in quiet, far off conversation. 
 
This is and feels like an ancient place, long inhabited, long a home to the ancestors of those we greet. “Ancient” in the lines and cracks of its weather-scored wood houses, the worn buttery surfaces of its stone steps, its worn and discarded grinding stones, its spirit carvings peering from temple corners towards the village and mountains, its day to day rhythms shaped so thoroughly by the seasons.

At the same time satellite dishes are everywhere. Many houses have a small solar panel perched on a nearby pole. A road sign thanks us for ‘Visiting our modern village’. Everyone it seems can pull out a cellphone from the most hard-worked clothes, chatting with a son in Delhi or an auntie in Brampton. And the apples themselves, plentiful cash in hand, have now tied the village to the larger market economy of cities far away. People are a moment’s distance from the global world and yet able to be so far away.

Curious how (apart from a reminders like the government’s “security checkpoint” on our path to the India-Tibet border and our Indian fare each mealtime) this does not feel like India at all. The land itself is vast, spacious, the elements powerful. Hindi is a second language in these parts. People, we are told, are quite content to carry on their own ways here. It makes us feel the great diversity of India, India as many Indias, the simplicity of the idea of “India” we brought with us.

We move on to the settlement of Kalpa, first down the steep narrow mostly dirt and gravel track to the Sutlej Valley floor, along the valley (given over to a vast, ugly and dusty hydro project, where we pass a large banner with the message WORK IS WORSHIP) then make a sharp nine-kilometre ascent to the busy market town of Rekong Peo, then higher still to the village of Kalpa (3000 metres) with its grand vistas.

Across the valley rise the three towers of the Kinner-Kailash massif – the highest Jorkaden Mountain (6473m) in the centre, the needle pointed Raldang (5500m) to the right, the sacred summit Kinner-Kailash (6050m) to the left, ‘jewel of snows’, the famous Meru, centre and origin of the universe, its crest like Vishnu’s luminous, flamey crown – each peak glowing in sunset rosiness, then crowned in brilliant white in the morning.

Our final evening, before the long drive back to Shimla, we ask the manager of our Apple Pie Guesthouse, half in jest, whether he actually makes apple pie. “I will try,” he offers, to our surprise, not believing him. But then, during breakfast, the same man appears, a broad smile on his face and pie in hand, the semblance of a Western apple pie, a kind of flat wandering turnover with a lacy crust on top … very tasty indeed thank-you, and exactly what we need to begin our white-knuckle journey home.
Some more photos ...